i 


BANCROFT 
LIBRARY 

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THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 


SPEECH 


tor  TBZ 


HON.  THADDEUS  STEVENS, 


PEWST1VAWU, 


ON  THE  SUBJECT  OF  THE  ADMISSION  OF  SLAVERY 
IN  THE  TERRITORIES, 


DELIVERED  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  AT  WASHINGTON. 


FEBRffART  30, 


TH£0»  FEKN  &  CO. 

HARRISBURO,  PA. 
1850- 


IB* 


"T 


.0  '  HT 


LAnr, 


SPEECH  OF  THE  HON.  THADDEUS  STEVENS. 


Mr.  CHAIRMAN  :   I  do  not  know  that    I  should  I  surely  be  no  cause  for  rebellion  and  revolution — 
have  troubled  the  committee  at  this  time,  could  I   much  less  would  the  refusal  to  extend  an  evil,  an 


see  any  reasonable  prosp*-ct  that  the  House  would 
devote  its  time  to  practical  legislation.  But  for  a 
considerable  time  after  our  meeting,  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  House  was  obstructed;  and  since  or- 
ganized, a  large  portion  of  its  time  has  been  occu- 
pied by  speeches  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  mostly 


admitted  exil,  an  unmitigated  wrong.  Will  an 
intelligent  and  free  posterity  believe  it  when  im- 
partial history  records  that  the  only  cause  for  this 
high  threat  was  the  apprehension  that  the  Con- 
gress of  this  free  Republic  would  not  propagate, 
nor  permit  to  be  propagated,  the  institution  of  hu- 


by  Southern  gentlemen,  when  no  practical  question, !  man  slavery  into  her  vast  Territories  now  free  ? 
to  which  they  could  apply  was  before  the  commit-  |  Yet  such  is  the  simple  fact.  It  is  proper,  then,  to 
tee.  There  was  no  doubt  a  well-defined  object  in  j  inquire  whether  the  thing  sought  to  be  forced  upon 


this,  partly  to  intimidate  Congress,  and  partly  to 
occupy  its  time,  so  that  no  legislation  could  be  ma- 
tured obnoxious  to  Southern  gentlemen.  Indeed, 
we  are  not  left  to  conjecture  on  this  point.  Thr 
learned  gentleman  from  North  Carolina,  (Mr. 


the  Territories  at  the  risk  of  treason  and  rebellion 
be  a  good  or  an  evil.  I  think  it  is  a  great  evil 
which  ought  to  be  interdicted;  that  we  should  op- 
pose it  as  statesmen,  as  philanthropists,  and  as  mor- 
alists, notwithstanding  the  extraordinary  position 


CLIXGMAN,)  \vl  o  was  selected   to  open   the  debate  !  taken  by  the  g(  ntleman  from  Alabama  [Mr.  HIL- 


on  behalf  of   human    bondage,  distinctly  notified 


us,  that  unless  Congress,  as  a  condition  precedent, 
submitted  to  settle  the  slavery  question,  according 
to  Southern  demands,  there  should  be  no  legisla- 
tion, even  to  the  passage  of  the  ordinary  appropri- 
ation bills  necessary  to  sustain  the  Government. 
And  that  sunh  measures  would  not  be  obstructed 


LIARD]  to  the  contrary. 


While  I  thus  announce  my  unchangeable  hostil- 
ity to  slavery  in  every  form,  and  in  every  place,  I 
also   avow   my  determination   to  stand   by  all  the 
I  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  and  carry  them 
into  faithful  effect.     Some  of  those  compromises  I 

by  meeting  .hem  in   manly  debate,  and  voting  on  i  ?rfatiy.  disli,ke  *  a"d  ™e  they  now  °Pen  fo'  con' 
'  their  ments;    but  bv  incessantly  calling  the  yeas   Deration,  they  should  never   receive   my  assent, 
and   nays,  on   repeated   and   frivolous  mo'ions  to   E 
adjourn,  until  the  end  of  the  session.     Sir,  I  doubt 


not  that  before  he  ventured  on  so  high  a  threat,  he 
had  full  assurances  from  a  sufficient  number  of 
Southern  gentlemen  to  carry  it  into  elfect.  For,  if 


constitution  formed  in  difficult 
times,  and  I  would  not  disturb  them. 

By  those  compromises  Congress  has  no  power 
over  slavery  in  the  States.  I  greatly  regret  that  it 
is  so ;  for  if  it  were  within  our  legitimate  control, 


he  had  made  it  upon  his  own  bare  authority, it  would  1 1  would  go,  regardless  of  all  threats,  for  some  just, 
degenerate  into  contemptible  gasconade,  which  I !  safe  and  certain  means  for  its  filial  extinction, 
am  sure  that  discreet  gentleman  would  not  indulge  j  But  I  know  of  none  who  claims  the  right  or  desira 
in.  The  scene  of  last  Monday  in  this  house  fully  i  to  touch  it  within  the  States.  But  when  we  come 
sustained  him,  and  showed  that  they  had  the  will  'to  form  governments  for  territories  acquired  long 


anil  the  power  to  execute  it. 

Here,  then,  we  have  a  well-defined  and  palpable 


since  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  and  to  ad- 
mit new   States,  whose   only  claim  for   admission 


conspiracy  of  Southern  members  combined  to  stop  depends  on  the  will  of  Congress,  we  are  bound  so 
the  supplies  necessary  to  the  existence  of  the  Gov-i  to  discharge  that  duty,  as  shall  best  contribute  to 
ernment,  disorganize  and  dissolve  it,  untihhe  bands  |  the  prosperity,  the  power,  the  permanency,  and  the 
that  bind  the  Union  together  are  severed,  and,  as  I  glory  of  this  nation.  Does  slavery  contribute  to 
a  gentleman  early  in  the  session  desired,  "  discord  e  ther  of  these?  Is  it 
reigns."  Well  might  the  gentleman  anticipate 
that  the  country  and  posterity  might  pronounce 


this  treason,  rank  treason  agz 
I  doubt  if  there  is  another  lei 


st  the  nation!    Sir, 
islative  body  in  the 


them  all  ? 


not  rather   subversive  of 
Let  us  first  view  it  in  the  low  light  of 


world  where    such  sedition  would  not  be  followed 


political  economy.  That  nation,  I  suppose,  is  al- 
ways the  most  prosperous,  all  other  things  being 
equal,  that  has  the  most  indus'rious,  and  the  larg- 
est number  of  the  producing  classes.  Those  who 
by  prosecution  and  punishment.  France  has  lately  merely  consume  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  add  noth- 
exiled  members  of  her  Assembly  for  a  similar  of- j  ing  to  the  strength  or  the  wealth  of  a  nation.  Slave 
fence.  But  in  this  glorious  country,  where  nearly  !  countries  never  can  have  a  large  number  of  indiis- 
two-thirds  of  the  people  are  free,  we  can  say  any- i  trious  freemen.  Slaveholders  form  an  untitled 
thing  within  these  walls  or  beyond  them  with  im- I  aristocracy,  with  numerous  dependant?.  Indivi- 


punity,  unless  it   be  to  agitate  in  favor  of  human 
liberty — that  is  aggression  ! 

Let  us  inquire,  what  is  the  grave  offence,  the 
mighty  wrong,  which  can  justify  a  threat  big  with 
such  portentous  consequences?  The  refusal  of 
Congress  to  propagate  or  to  establish  i  doubtful  or 
•ven  an  admitted  good  in  the  Territories  would 


luals  appropriate  large  tracts  of  territory  to  them- 
selves, and  thus  prevent  it  from  being  thickly  set- 
tled by  freemen.  Their  laborers,  having  no  ambi- 
tion to  gratify,  no  love  of  gain  to  stimulate  them, 
no  parental  feelings  to  impel  them  to  action,  are 
idle  and  wasteful.  When  'he  lash  is  the  only  stim- 
ulant, the  spirit  of  man  revolts  from  labor. 


war,  that  lias  not  an  intelligent  and  industrious- 
ycomnnry,  equally  removed  from  luxury  an:l  from 
pov>  rtv.  The  middling  classes  who  own  the  soi'. 
mid  work  it  with  their  own  hands,  are  the  mail 
support  of  every  f rt  e  government.  Qrtputtfin  ma\ 
be  powerful,  and  long  ?u->ta  n-d  by  a  mix.-d  popu 
lation  of  serfs  and  nobles.  But  free  representative 
republics  that  rely  upon  the  voluntary  action  of  the 
people,  never  can.  Under  such  governments,  those 
who  defend  and  support  the  country  must  have  a 
stake  in  the  soil ;  must  have  interests  to  protect  and 
rights  to  defend. 

Slave  countries  never  can  have  such  a  yeomanry; 
never  can  have  a  Iwdy  of  small  proprietors  who 
own  the  soil  and  till  it  with  their  own  hands,  and 
sit  down  in  conscious  independence  under  thi-ir 
own  vine  and  fig-tr*ee.  There  is  no  sound  con 
necting  link  between  the  aristocrat  and  the  slave. 
Trc.e  there  is  a  class  of  human  beings  Between 
them  ;  but  they  are  the  most  worthless  and  miser- 
able of  mankind.  Tue  p  >or  white  laborer  is  the 
so  >rn  of  the  slave  himself:  for  slavery  always 
degrades  labor.  The  white  pei  pie  who  work  with 
their  hands  are  ranked  with  the  other  laborers — 
the  slaves.  They  are  excluded  from  the  society 
of  the  rich.  Their  associations,  if  anywhere,  are 
with  the  colored  population.  They  feel  that  they 
are  degraded  and  despised',  and  tueir  minds  ami 
conduct  generally  conform  to  their  condition. 

The  soil  occupied  by  slavery  is  much  less  pro- 
ductive than  a  similar  soil  occupied  by  freemen. 
Men  who  are  to  nc_'ive  none  of  the  wages  of  their 
iai>>>rdonot  care  to  multiply  its  fruits.  S!oth,negli- 
gcnic^,  improvidence,  are  the  consequence.  The 
land  being  neglected,  becomes  poor  anil  barren  ; 
U3  it  becomes  exhausted  it  is  thrown  out  as  wsi^te, 
for  slave  labor  never  renovates  its  strength.  This 
applies  particularly  to  agricultural  Staus.  Tak 
Virginia,  the  favorite  example  for  the  South,  which 
lias  been  so  triumphantly  referred  toby  the  gentle 
man  from  North  Carolina,  [Mr.  CLINGMAN.] — 
Whence  he  drew  his  facts  that  she.  was  more  pros 
PJTOUS,  more  populous, and  more  rich  than  the  free 
States,  I  know  not.  I  am  sure  it  was  not  from 
personal  observation.  Ho  would  not  certainly 
draw  on  his  imagination  in  matters  of  fact.  I  sup- 
pose he  must  have  b-en  misled  by  the  most  miser- 
able of  sophists,  and  most  false  of  chroniclers, 
El  I  wood  Fisher. 


ive  ;  smiling  habitations  are  within  hail  of  each 
ther;  the  whole  country  is  dotted  with  pchooU 
'ous.es  and  churches  within  sight  of  each  ot]ierj_ 
:iid,  exi-.pt  i.n  ler  p.culiar  circumstances,  their 
nanufi.cuires  and  m  c'lan  c  arts  lumishing  lucra- 
ive  employmt  nt  to  ail  their  petple  ;  and  their  pop- 
ulation sti-adily  and  rapidly  increasing.  Turn 
igain  to  Virginia.  There  is  scaic.-ly  a  m-w  town, 


exct-pt  at  one  or  two  point 


s,  within  her  whole  bor- 


lers.  Her  ancient  villages  wear  the  appearance 
of  mournful  decay.  Her  minerals  ami  timber  are 
(inwrought.  H  r  noble  water  power  is  but  par- 
tially occupied.  Her  fine  harbors  are  without 
hips,  except  from  other  ports;  and  her  seaport 
owns  are  without  commerce,  and  falling  to  decay. 
Ask  yourself  the  cause,  sir,  and  I  will  abide  the 
answer,  —  •  *~* 

It  is  essential  to  the  existence  of  republics  that 
education  should  be  generally  diffused  among  the 
people.  S.avery  prevents  this.  R  oh  menemph  y 
private  tutors,  or  send  their  children  abioad.  But 
the  children  of  the  people  generally  cannot  be  ed- 
ucated without  the  instrumentality  of  district 
schools.  In  slave  States,  where  the  plantations 
are  large,  the  white  population  is  too  sparce  ever 
to  maintain  them.  Besides  there  is  another  fatal 
obstacle  to  them  in  thv  aversion  of  the  rich  to  asso- 


ciate   with   the   poor 
children  could  never 


The    poor  white   laborer's 
be    permitted   to    mingle    in 


the  sanm   schools,  and  sit  upon  the   same  benches 
with  the   rich   men's  sons.      That  would  be  offen-^ 
sive.  •'  "•"'  '     •  % 

Slavery  enfeebles  a  nation  in  war  as  well  as  in 
peace.  It  is  impossible  that  a  nation  of  masters 
and  slaves  can  be  as  p>werful  and  formi  lable 
either  in  offensive  or  defensive  war  as  a  nation 
of  freemen.  A  large  portion  of  her  population 
must  remain  at  home  to  prevent  the  rebellion  of 
those  who  are  constantly  in  a  state  of  latent  war- 
fare with  their  oppressors.  I  know,  sirf  we  have 
had  a  most  alarming  description  of  the  prowess  of 
the  South.  We  have  heard  their  C'innon  roar  ; 
seen  their  bayonets  bristle  ;  heard  the  war  cry  of 
tli-echarging  chivalry,  and  seen  their  bowie-knives 
gleam  within  this  hull,  in  tin*  vivid  p'cture  of  the 
terrible  gentleman  from  North  Carolina, 
CLINGMAN.) 

We  have  often  been  modestly  reminded  of  the 
blood    and    treasure,    and    the    gallantry  of  the 


I  admit   that,  by  nature,  Virginia  has  canabiji^  S  iUth."     This  I  do  not  dispute.     I   am   proud  to 
to  any  StateTn  tlie  Union,    adi 


ties  equa',  if  not  superior 

S'le  ha*  a  delightful  climate;  a  soil  naturally  fer- 
tile. She  is  intersected,  as  was  well  said  by  the 
gentleman  from  Virg'nia,  (Mr.  BAYLY,)  by  the 
nob'est  rivers.  Her  hills  and  mountains  are  fi'K-d 
with  lirh  minerals  and  covered  with  valuable  tim 
ber.  Siie  has  the  finest  water,  I  believe,  in  the  na- 
tion, in  the  very  heart  of  her  State;  nrul  her  harbors 
are  among  th*  l>est  in  the  world.  At  the  time  of 
the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  she  was  the  most 
powerful  Srate — her  population  was  d'.nible  that  of 
N--w  York.  It  was  the  bonst  of  her  statesmen 
that  she  WHS  j>rima  inter  pare*.  What  is  she  mw? 
T;ie  p(  pu'ation  of  New  York  is  more  than  double 
'—I  thii.k  the  next  c  -nsus  will  show  nearly  treble 
hers.  Her  land,  cultivated  by  unwilling  hands, 
is  unproductive.  Travel  tlin  ugh  the  adjoining 
S  nt  -s  of  Ohio  and  Pjnnsylvania,  and  you  will  see 
that  the  land  prodi'C  s  more  than  double  as  much 
as  the  same  kind  of  land  in  Virginia.  In  the  free 
States  new  towns  are  everywhere  springing  up 


admit  that  she  has  furnished  many  gallant  sons, 
whose  names  will  adorn  the  brightest  pages  of  c  ur 
history,  both  for  the  war  of  the  revolution,  the  war 
of  1812,  and  the  war  which  we  lately  assumed  as 
the  ally  of  Texas  and  of  slavery.  I  give  her  full 
credit  for  her  patriotism  in  furnishing  most  of  the 
men  who  have  boMe  the  official  burden  of  the  gov- 
ernment both  in  tlw  civil  ami  military  list.  I  know, 
too,  she  has  furnished  the  kind  of  men  for  our  ar- 
mies who  are  apt  to  be  distinguished  when  great 
Bleeds  are  done.  For  it  is  only  the  officers  nnd 
commanders  of  armies  who  live  in  snry.  The 
stout  hearts  and  strong  arms  of  the  common  soldiers 
that  fight  the  battles  nnd  win  the  victories  are  un- 
known to  fame.  Their  birth  place  is  not  sought 
for;  their  graves  are  undistinguished.  And  the 


South  has  always  furnished  officers  for  our  armies  ; 
President  for  the  Ripubl.c;  most  of  our  foreign 
ambassadors;  heads  of  departments  ;  clnVfs  of  bu- 
reaus ;  and,  sometimes  in  her  proud  humility,  has 
consented  that  the  younger  sons  of  her  dilapidated 


houses  should  monopolize  the  places  of  clerks  and  I  ty-ftve  years  every  slave-holding  State  In  this 
messengers  to  the  Government.  But  whence  are 
drawn  the  common  soldiery,  the  men  who  peril 
their  lives,  and  win  victories  for  your  glory  ?  Al- 
rrMst  entirely  from  the  free  States,  except  in  cases 
of  sudden  emergency,  when  volunteers  are  called 
nearest  the.  scene  of  danger.  The  present  Secre- 
tary of  War,  a  southern  gentleman  of  great  ability, 
and  strenuous  for  southern  rijrhts,  says  in  his  re- 


Union  will  have  on  its  statute  bocks  a  law  for  the 
gradual  and  final  extinction  of  slavery.  Then 
will  have  been  consummated  the  fondest  wishes 
of  every  patriot's  heart.  Then  will  our  fair  coun- 
try be  glorious  indeed  ;  and  be  to  posterity  a  bright 
ixample  of  the  true  principles  of  government — of 
universal  freedom.  ^— 

I  am  opposed  to  the  extension  of   slavery  intoN 


f\ 

<lo 

fa 

/   th 


t      lr< 

u 


port:  j  territories  n.>w    free,  for    still  graver  reasons — be- 

"  According  to  the  practice  which  hajt  long  prr.»  i  cause  I  am    opposed  to  despotism    throughout    the 
vailed,  t/ie  great  majority  of  enlistment*  i  y  made  I  world.     I  admit  that  this  government  cannot  preach 


in  the  northern  Atlantic  cities  and  the  adjacent  in- 
terior town  ft,  whence  the  reerin'ts  are.  sent  tn  the 
general  depot  for  instruction*  and  finally  distri- 
uted to  the  southern  and  wt stern  po -yfs,  according 
to  the  wants  of  the  service." 

Yes,  sir,  our  northern  freemen  have  always  filled 
the  ranks  of  the  regular  army.  The  South  has  ient  ns 
the  gentlemen  to  wear  the  ej'auletts  and  the  sword  ; 
to  take  command  of  our  troop?,  and  lead  them  to 
southern  and  south-western  climates  to  fight  the 
frontier  battles,  and  whiten  your  fields  with  their 
bones. 

I  am  opposed  to  the  diffusion  of  slavery,  because 
confining  it  within  its  present  limits  w  H  bring  the 
Srates  themselves  to  its  gradual  abolition.  Let 
this  disease  spread,  and  although  it  will  render  the 
whole  body  leprous  and  loathsome,  yet  it  will  long 


a  crusade  of  Liberty  into  other  States  and  nations, 
much  as  she  abhors  tyrants  and  tyranny.  There 
she  can  only  mourn  over  its  existence.  But  when 
the  question  of  government  is  within  her  own  con- 
trol, and  she  permits  despotism  to  exist,  and  aids 
its  diffusion,  she  is  responsible  for  it  in  the  face  of 
the  civilized  world,  and  before  the  G;>d  of  Liberty. 
In  my  judgment,  not  only  the  slave  States  but  the 
general  government,  recognizing  and  aiding  as  it 
docs  slavery,  is  a  despotism.  I '  do  not  use  the 
word  in  a  declamatory,  but  strictly  legal  significa- 
tion. That  government  is  despotic  where  the  ru- 
lers govern  subjects  by  their  own  mere  will — by 
decrees  and  laws  emanating  from  their  uncontrol- 
led will,  in  the  enactment  and  extension  of  which 
the  ruled  have  no  voice,  and  under  which  they 
have  no  rights,  except  at  the  will  of  the  rulers. 


survive.  Confine  it,  and  like  the  cancer  that  is  j  Despotism  does  not  depend  upon  the  number  of  the 
tending  to  the  heart,  it  must  be  eradicated  or  it  j  rulers,  or  the  number  of  the  subjects.  It  may  have 
will  eat  out  the  vitals.  The  sooner  the  patient  is  lone  ruler  or  many.  ^Rorpe  was  a  despotism  under, 
convinced  of  this,  the  sooner  he  will  procure  the  j^ero  ;  so  she  was  u  mJert  he  t  r  MI  nfyTT  a  t  e .  A  Ciena 
heal.ng  operation.  j  wgs  a  despotism  under  herThfrty  tyranja.;'  under 

The  learned  and  able  gentleman  from   Virginia,    her  four  hj^tylr^d  tyra^its^jTruTer  her  thr.  e_thojl- 

s  been  generally  observed!  that 


(Mr.  MEADE,)  in  n  pamphlet  which  he  laid  upon 
Our  table,  takes  the  same  view  of  it.  He  says, — 
"  Virginia  ha*  a  slave  population  of  nrar  half  a 
mill  ion  ^  whose  vain*  is  chiefly  dependant  on  south- 
ern demand."  Let  us  pause  a  moment  over  this 
humil  ating  c.cnfes-«i<  n.  In  plain  English,  what 
does  it  mean  1  That  Virginia  is  now  only  fit  to 
be  the  breeder,  not  the  employer,  of  slaves.  That 
she  is  reduced  to  the  condition  that  her  proud  chi- 


sand  tyrants.     It  has 


de.'pongm  increases  in  severity  with  the  ^ 

despots7  the  responsibility  is  more  divided  am: 
claims^nore   numerous.     The    triumvirs    each  de- 
manded   his  vie 
subjects  in 


;s  victiins. 

prcip.jrtK.u 


The  small  -r  the  number  of 
to  the  tyrants  the  more  cruel 

the  oppression,  hecause  the  less  danger  f rorrT re- 
bellion.  In  this  Government,  tTJe"*Tree  white  citi- 
zenTaTe  the  rulers — the  sovereigns  as  we  delight 

valr/  are  c  ^mpelled  to  turn  slave  traders  for  a  liv-  j  to  be  called.  All  others  are  subjects.  There  are, 
lihood !  I.istea  1  of  attempting  to  renovate  the  j  perhaps,  some  sixteen  or  seventeen  millions  of 
soil,  and  by  their  own  honest  labor  competing  the  |  sovereigns,  and  some  four  millions  of  subjects, 
earth  to  yield  her  abundance;  instead  of  seeking  The  rulers  and  the  ruled  are  of  all  colors,  from 
for  the  best  breed  of  cattle  and  horses,  to  feed  on  j  the  clear  white  of  the  Caucasian  tribes  to  the 
her  hills  and  valleys,  arid  fertalize  the  land,  the  J  swarthy  Etlropjan.  The  former,  by  courtesy,  are 

'all 


sons  of  riiat  great  State  must  devote  their  time  to 'all  callea^^vTute^  The  latter  black.  In  this  Go- 
selecting  and  grooming  the  most  lusty  sires  and  |  vernment  the  subject  has  no  rights,  social,  political 
the  most  fruitful  wenches,  to  supply  the  slave  bar«  j  or  personal.  He  has  no  voice  in  the  laws  which 
racoons  of  the  South  !  And  the  It  arned  gentleman  I  govern  him.  He  can  hold  no  property.  His  very 
pathetically  laments  that  the  profits  of  this  genteel  j  wife  and  children  are  not  his.  His  labor  is  a  riot  U- 
trafic  will  be  greatly  lessened  by  the  circumscrip-  ers.  He,  and  all  that  app -rtains  to  him,  are  the 
Lotion  of  slavery  !  This  is  his  picture  ;  not  mine.  (absolute  property  of  his  rulers.  He  is  governed, 
The  same  gentleman  says  in  the  same  speech,  bought,  sold,  punished,  executed,  by  laws  to  which, 
t:  If  toe  intend  to  submit  to  the  policy  of  confining  he  never  gave  his  assent,  and  by  rukrs  whorn  lie 
the  slaves  within  their  present  limits,  we  should  i  never  chose.  He  is  not  a  serf,  merely  with  ha'f 
commence  forthwith  the  work  of  gradual  email  ci  pa-  i  ltie*~r7griTs'  of  men,  like  the  subjects  of  despotic 
tion  ;  it  /'*  an.  easier  work  for  us  than  for  our  chU-  \  Ru».*ia ;  but  a  naked  slave,  stripped  of  eveiy  right 
dren."  The  eloquent  gentleman  from  Alabama,  |  wh:ch  G id  and  nature  gave  lijm,  and  which  the 
(Mr  HILLIARD,)  is  of  the  same  opinion.  He  said  :  high  spirit  of  our  revolution  declared  inalienable 


*'  JVo  mrt*t 


np  our  minds  Cither  to   resivt  the, 


interdiction  ef  the  progress  of  slavery,  or  to  submit 
to  an  organic,  change,  in,  o'tr  institittiaiis."  Yes 
sir  ;  this  admitted  result  is,  to  my  mind,  one  of 
the  most  agreeable  consoqiv.  nces  of  the  legitimate 
restriction  of  slavery.  Confine  this  malady  within 

Its  present  limits.     Surround  it  by  a  cordon  of  free- 
nen  that  it  cannot  spread,  and  in  less  than  twen- 


—  which  he  himself  could  not  surrender,  and  which 
man  could  not  take  from  him.  Is  he  not  then  the 
4  of  jlesrHM  icswavL 
s  faves  of*  AtnWs  and  Rome 


The 


were    free  in 


comparison.  They  had  some  fights — could  acquire 
some  property  ;  could  choose  their  own  masters, 
and  purchase  their  own  freedom  ;  and  when  free 
could  rise  in  social  and  political  life.  \  The  slaves 


of  America  then  lie  under  the  most  absolute  and 
grinding  despotism  that  the  world  ever  saw.  .But, 

!  who  are  the  despots  ?  The  rulers  of  th^oTmtry^S 
the  sovereign  people  !  Not  merely  the  slavehol- 
der who  cruets  the  lash.  He  is  but  the  instrument 
cf  desixjtism.  That  despotism  is  the  government 
of  the  slave  States,  and  the  United  States,  consist- 
ing of  all  its  riders— all  the  free  citizens.  Do  not 
look  upon  this  as  a  paradox  because  you  and  I  and 
the  s.xteen  millions  of  rulers  are  free.  The  rulers 
of  every  despotism  are  free.  Nicholas,  of  Russia, 
is  free.  The  Grand  Sultan  of  Turkey  is  free. — 
The  butcher  of  Austria  is  tree.  Agustus,  Antony, 
and  Lepidns,  were  free  while  they  drenched  Rome 
in  blood.  The  Thirty  tyrants  ;  the  Fur  Hundred; 
the  Three  Thousand,  were  free  while  they  bound 
their  countrymen  in  chains.  You,  and  I,  and  the 
sixteen  millions,  are  free,  while  we  fasten  iron 
chains,  and  rivet  manacles  on  four  millions  of  our 
fellow  mm  ;  tear  their  wives  and  children  from 
them;  seperate  them  ;  sell  them  and  doom  them 
to  perpetual,  eternal  bondage.  Are  we  not  then 
despots — despots  such  as  history  will  brand  and 
God  abhors  ?  •  -»  i  ** 

'"But  we  are  told  that  is  none  of  our  business. — 
That  southern  slavery  is  a  matter  between  the 
slaveholders  and  their  own  consciences.  1  trust  it 
may  be  so  decided  by  impartial  history,  and  the 
unerring  Judge,  that  we  may  not  be  branded  with 
that  great  stigma,  and  that  grievous  burden  may 
not  weigh  uppn  our  souls.  But  could  we  hope  for 
that  justification,  if  now,  when  we  have  the  power 
to  prevent  it,  we  should  permit  this  evil  to  spread 
over  thousands  of  square  leagues,  now  free,  and 
settle  upon  unborn  millions  ?  Sir,  for  myself,  I 
should  look  upon  any  northern  man,  enlightened 
by  a  northern  education,  who  would  directly  or 
indirectly,  by  pmmission  or  commission  ;  by  base- 
ly voting  or  cowardly  shulking,  permit  it  to*pread 
over  one  rood  of  God's  free  earth,  as  a  traitor  to 
liberty  and  recreant  to  his  <»od !  ^«N^ 

^""Ski^ejry^ends  to  render  the  people  among  whom 
it  is  planted,  arrogant,  insolent,  intolerant,  and 
tyrannical  t  >\v7xrds  tin;  fret-men  of  other  parts  of 

jB^Toe  Ijnior7.  yhie  honorable  member  from  Virginia 
from  whom  ihave  already  quoted,  [Mr..  ME  A 


say?,  speaking  of_filagery.     "  Ouj^pasf  history  tes- 
t  that   it  elevates  the  character 


"tifies  to  the  fact 
'oTTne  white  ma"n". 


character 

Though,    we  luive  Irtn   in  a 

numfricaT~-nii  nority  iu  tut  Union  for  ft  ft  i/  yf.Tr.t. 
c  i/ft  dnriiisr  "t'ftr  greater  part  of  tliat  period  i"f  kuvf. 
1  winagrd  to  rnutrol  the,  tirxtiiiie.i  nfl/m  Union. 
•  Wh  finer  on  the  baujj^eld  or  m  the  cou^[J7  tlTe 
'  sonj^pf  the  S.>uth  Have  taken  the  lead  ;  and  the 
'records  of  the  rtSfiofi  afford  ampTS'testimony  of 
"  their  superior  f/iergy  and  genius  >}  Sir,  t  do 
not  complain  of  this  statement.  The  former  part 
of  it  is  both  candid  and  true.  But  I  cannot  listen 
to  the  recital  without  feeling  the  burning  blush  on 
my  countenance,  that  the  North,  with  her  over- 
shadowing millions  of  freemen,  has,  for  half 

[     century,  been  tame  and  servile  enough  to   submit 

\    to  this  arrogant  ^ 

The    Boufli    imprisons    north"rn  freemen   when 

f  found  within  her  borders,  if  they  happen  to  be 
guilty  of  a  dark  skin,  and  carry  it  "between  the 
wind  and  their  nobility."  And  when  a  sovereig 
State  sends  a  learned  and  venerable  apjent  to  test 
the  legality  of  such  imprisonment  before  their 
own  tribunals,  he  i?  driven  with  violence  and  in- 
dignity from  their  shores.  V^Jassachusetts  has  suf- 
fered, and,  I  trust,  remembers  the  insult. 


How  often  have  these  walls  been  profaned  and  ^ 
the  North  insulted  by  the  insolent  threat,  that  if  v 
Congress  legislate  against  Southern  will,  it  should 

be   disregarded,   resisted    to   extremity,   ami  the 

Union  destroyed.  During  the  present  session  wo 
have  been  more  than  once  told,  amidst  raving  ex- 
citement, that  if  we  dared  to  legislate  in  a  certain 
way  the  South  would  teach  the.  North  a  lesson  ! 
That  their  minds  were  made  up  to  extreme  resis- 
tance !  Is  this  the  place  to  use  threats  instead  of 
arguments?  Are  the  Representatives  of  freemen 
to  be  thus  treated  1  True,  you  are  not  wholly 
without  justification  in  the  belief  that  it  will  be 
effectual.  You  have  too  often  intimidated  Con- 
gress. You  have  more  than  once  frightened  the 
tame  North  from  its  propriety,  and  found  ''dough- 
faces "  enough  to  be  your  tools.  And  when  you 
lacked  a  given  number,  I  take  no  pride  in  sayirg, 
you  were  sure  to  find  them  in  old  Pennsylvania, 
who,  in  former  years,  has  ranked  a  portion  of  her 
delegation  among  your  most  submissive  slaves. 
But  I  hope,  with  some  fears,  that  the  race  of  dough- 
faces is  extinct.  I  do  not  see  how  it  could  well  be 
otherwise.  They  were  an  unmanly,  an  unvirile 
race,  incapable,  according  to  the  laws  of  nature, 
of  reproduction.  I  hope  they  have  left  no  descen- 
dants. The  old  ones  are  deep  in  political  graves. 
For  them  1  am  sure  there  is  no  resurrection,  for 
they  were  soulless.  Now,  when  the  whole  civi- 
lized world  unites  in  denouncing  slavery  as  a  curse, 
a  shame  and  a  crime,  1  trust  that  when  the  great 
battle  between  liberty  and  slavery  c  >mes  to  be 
fought  on  this  floor,  there  will  be  none  found  hiding 
among  the  stuff,  no  fraudulent  coi.cealments,  not 
one  accursed  Achan  in  this  whole  camp  of  the 
Representatives  of  freemen. 

The  eloquent,  gentleman  from  Virginia,  [Mr. 
SELDON.]  the  other  day,  in  his  beautiful  peroration, 
personated  the  great  States  of  Virginia,  Kentucky, 
and  Louisiana,  and  in  their  name  apostrophized 
the  good,  and  I  will  add,  the  great  man  who  now 
occupies  the  Executive  chair  ;  and  in  their  name 
besought  him  as  he  loved  the  place  of  his  birth, 
the  place  of  his  nurture,  and  the  place  of  his  resi- 
dence, not  to  forsake  his  Southern  brethren  in  this 
emergency,  but  to  stand  by  them  in  defence  of 
human  bondage.  How  much  more  effective,  en- 
during and  hallowed  would  that  eloquence  have 
been,  had  the  orator's  lips  been  touched  with  a 
coal  from  the  Altar  of  Freedom!  Then  could  he 
have  gone  with  friendly  anxiety  to  that  noble,  be- 
nevolent, and  heroice  man,  and  admonished  him, 
that  although  he  had  gathered  all  the  earthly  laurels 
that  can  be  reaped  by  the  sickle  of  death,  yet  if  he 
would  have  his  name  descend  to  posterity  with 
increasing  lustre,  he  must,  by  one  great,  jus?,  and 
patriotic  example,  wipe  out  the  only  spot  that  ob- 
scures the  sun  of  his  glory.  He  might  with  pro- 
priety have  taken  with  him  the  learned  gentleman 
from  Alabama,  [Mr.  HILLIARD,]  and  together  have 
pointed  him  to  that  solemn  hour,  which  to  him,  and 
to  all  of  us  who  are  treading  the  down-hill  of  life, 
must  soon  arrive,  when  the  visions  of  ambition  and 
of  earthly  wealth  shall  have  passed  from  before 
his  eyes,  and  left  him  nothing  but  a  gaping  grave, 
and  an  eternal  judgment. 

The  accomplished  gentleman  from  Alabama, 
[Rev.  Mr.  HILUAUD]  might  with  peculiar  proprie- 
ty, do  what,  with  profane  lips  I  dare  not,  go  to  his 
illustrious  frit- nd,  and  with  fervid  piety  and  elo- 
quence more  thrilling  than  that  which  made  Felix 
tremble,  implore  him  by  a  love  deeper  than  that  of 


birth-place,  of  nurture,  and  of  residence,  by  the 
love  of  his  own  immortal  soul,  to  be  warned  in 
time  by  the  awful,  the  inexorable  doom — "  Ac- 
cursed is  the  man-stealer."  He  might,  perhaps, 
have  pointed  to  the  gloomy  journey  that  leads 
through  the  dark  shadow,  and  shown  him  how 
ineffably  brighter  are  the  glories  of  that  Kingdom 
where  all  are  free.  Perchance,  too,  he  would  have 
noticed  the  thronging  thousands  travelling  to  that 
game  dread  tribunal,  summoned  to  give  evidence 
of  deeds  done  in  the  body;  some  of  them  were 
bondsmen  and  slaves  on  earth,  but  whose  disem- 
bodied spirits  were  then  disenthralled,  erect,  tall 
as  the  proudest  of  earth's  oppressors ;  and  asked 


him  to  inquire  of  his  own  conscience,  who  was 
most  likely  to  meet  a  hearty  welcome  there — ha 
whose  cause  was  advocated  by  the  supplicating 
voices  of  thousands  with  whom  he  had  dealt  just- 
ly on  earth,  and  made  free  indeed,  or  he  whose 
admission  should  be  withstood  by  myriads  of  crush- 
ed and  lacerated  souls,  showing  their  chains,  their 
stripes,  and  their  wounds  to  their  Father  and  to 
his  Father;  to  their  God,  and  to  his  Judge. 

When  Mr.  STEVENS  concluded  his  speech,  sev- 
eral Southern  members  endeavored  to  get  tho 
floor,  and  among  them  Messers.  SELDON  and  MILL- 
SON  ;  but  the  Chairman  awarded  it  to  Mr.  BUEL, 
of  Michigan. 


\ 


GAYLAMOUNT 

PAMPHLET  BINDER 


Manufactured  by 

[6AYLORD  BROS.  Inc. 

Syr«cu»e,  N.  Y. 

Stockton,  Calif. 


